Discussion:
Route of Coup Against Venezuela Begins at ExxonMobil
(demasiado antiguo para responder)
jat
2017-06-09 01:42:55 UTC
Permalink
Raw Message
Venezuelan journalist William Serafino links the attacks against the
Maduro government to ExxonMobil oil interests.

Zamora Plan

It's April 18. The political climate is defined by a highly
confrontational and warmongering tone of the Venezuelan opposition the
day before a national sit-in (plantón) where, once again, violent acts
were to be expected: destruction and confrontation with law enforcement.

President Nicolas Maduro delivers a speech in the evening from
Miraflores Presidential Palace. Along with Minister of Defense, General
in Chief Vladimir Padrino Lopez, Vice President Tareck El Aissami and
National Assembly member Diosdado Cabello announce the Zamora Plan to
guarantee order and security in the country.

The decision was prompted after a U.S. State Department statement was
released the same evening. The text openly supported the violence
generated by clashes affiliated to the opposition agenda during the
"plantón," trying to intimidate key players of Venezuelan military and
judicial institutions to allow these events so that they would avoid
being the subject of incoming sanctions.

Among other important elements, the text pin pointed — without any
evidence — the security apparatus, specifically the scientific police
and the intelligence agency, of using torture and the state security
forces to endorse the
incursion of "collectives to repress the demonstrators."

http://www.telesurtv.net/english/opinion/Route-of-Coup-Against-Venezuela-Begins-at-ExxonMobil--20170607-0040.html
--
/jat
Knowledge will set you free
El conocimiento te hará libre
PL
2017-06-09 11:25:08 UTC
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Raw Message
On 6/9/2017 3:42 AM, jat wrote:

The full text of this biased propaganda piece JAT didn't post to avoid
people seeing the clear bias of thr author


Route of Coup Against Venezuela Begins at ExxonMobil
By: William Serafino

Venezuelan journalist William Serafino links the attacks against the
Maduro government to ExxonMobil oil interests.

Zamora Plan

It's April 18. The political climate is defined by a highly
confrontational and warmongering tone of the Venezuelan opposition the
day before a national sit-in (plantón) where, once again, violent acts
were to be expected: destruction and confrontation with law enforcement.

President Nicolas Maduro delivers a speech in the evening from
Miraflores Presidential Palace. Along with Minister of Defense, General
in Chief Vladimir Padrino Lopez, Vice President Tareck El Aissami and
National Assembly member Diosdado Cabello announce the Zamora Plan to
guarantee order and security in the country.

The decision was prompted after a U.S. State Department statement was
released the same evening. The text openly supported the violence
generated by clashes affiliated to the opposition agenda during the
"plantón," trying to intimidate key players of Venezuelan military and
judicial institutions to allow these events so that they would avoid
being the subject of incoming sanctions.

Among other important elements, the text pin pointed — without any
evidence — the security apparatus, specifically the scientific police
and the intelligence agency, of using torture and the state security
forces to endorse the incursion of "collectives to repress the
demonstrators."

Who is the head of the U.S. Department of State?

The current U.S. secretary of state — the foreign policy chief — is Rex
Tillerson, a former general manager at ExxonMobil. Tillerson was the top
manager of the company when former President Hugo Chavez made the
decision to nationalize the Orinoco Oil Belt where the U.S. corporation
had major projects.

Under Tillerson's command, the U.S. company decided not to renegotiate
its oil projects like the one belonging to Cerro Negro in Monagas with
state-owned PDVSA, according to the new directives after
nationalization. ExxonMobil sued PDVSA at the ICSID — the World Bank
court to resolve investment disputes — seeking compensation in the
amount of US$20 billion back in 2007.

After nearly a decade-long legal battle, reviews and appeals to various
verdicts, on March 10, 2017, the ICSID decided that the lawsuit of
ExxonMobil contained irregularities and freed PDVSA of paying any
damages. The northern oil company suffered perhaps the biggest legal
defeat of its history with this ruling in favor of the Venezuelan state.

Exxon Brand Politicians

ExxonMobil — as well as any other large international company from the
United States — contracts politicians to exert influence within the
structure of U.S. government according to their interests. So-called
lobbying is legal in that country, and companies seeking to modify or
pass laws for their benefit (tax exemption, removal of regulations,
federal government subsidies, etc.) pay large sums of money to
politicians (a large quantity of Republicans in the case of ExxonMobil)
and lobby firms.

According to Open Secrets, in the 2016 cycle, the oil company invested
financial resources to endorse more than a dozen politicians for these
purposes. These included Donald Trump (current U.S. president, who
appointed Rex Tillerson as secretary of state) with US$25,461, Marco
Rubio with US$17,701 and Ed Royce with US$7,500.

Senator Marco Rubio from Florida and California Representative Ed Royce
have not only introduced sanctions against Venezuela a key point in
their legislative agenda, they have also met — on several occasions —
with Venezuelan opposition leaders — such as Luis Florido, Lilian
Tintori, Freddy Guevara, among others — to show them political support
and diplomatic endorsement to the overthrowing agenda they lead on the
ground.

Law S.3117: Financial support to Venezuelan opposition

According to Open Secrets, in 2016 ExxonMobil was one of the companies
that paid (the website does not specify the amount) to lobby for the law
S.3117 (Department of State, Foreign Operations and Related Programs of
the Law of Allocations of 2017), which establishes the funds and
political objectives of the operations of the Department of State in key
countries for the United States.

Money leaked to agencies such as the NED or USAID are based on that law.
On May 3, 2017, under the leadership of Speaker of the House of
Representatives Paul Ryan (another politician financed by ExxonMobil in
2016 with US$14,025), the law was sanctioned.

According to the official page of the Congress of the USA, the sponsor
of this bill was South Carolina Republican Senator Lindsey Graham, who
had the duty of lobbying for its execution according to the guidelines
of its financiers.

The Senate report on the law highlights the importance of the U.S. State
Department funding Venezuelan opposition groups (under the umbrella of
"civil society" NGOs) with US$5,500,000 and other additional funds to
bring political and economic reforms in Venezuela. At the same time, it
stresses the importance that "regional organizations play in promoting
reforms in Venezuela, in particular, the Organization of American
States," in addition to increasing the support of the Energy Security
Initiative in the Caribbean to influence Negatively in the political and
oil alliances of our country with the Caribbean.

Secretary of State Rex Tillerson commented on April 19: "We are closely
watching what happens in that country and working with others,
especially through the OAS, to communicate our concerns to them," surely
referring to Uruguayan Luis Almagro as liaison and key operator of the
American strategy for pressure within the organization.

The Caribbean bloc has played a key role in preventing U.S. allies from
that organization definitively consolidate the international isolation
of Venezuela.

But the attack on Venezuela reveals a geopolitical key: The U.S.
urgently need to overthrow Petrocaribe not only to break the Venezuela's
international alliances but to transform the Caribbean into a powerful
port to import liquefied U.S. gas (ExxonMobil is one of the leading
exporters), leading to the continent's energy and geopolitical
domination. The coup against Venezuela is a maneuver to ensure the
continent as an area of exclusive influence on the penetration of
Russian and Chinese capital and investment.

Graham, during Juan Manuel Santos' official visit to the White House in
May, publicly offered war weapons to Colombia both to dissuade Venezuela
and to prepare the neighboring country for an eventual "humanitarian
emergency" or armed conflict.

Interest in Venezuelan Oil

As discussed previously, ExxonMobil's oil reserves have suffered large
reductions as a result of sanctions against Russia and the aging of
strategic wells in the Middle East, a reality that affects its market
capitalization and its dominance over the oil market.

This urgency leads ExxonMobil to seek extralegal procedures to conquer
the huge reserves of oil and gas located in the Essequibo using the
Guyanese government, an area claimed by Venezuela as part of its
territorial sovereignty at the U.N.

But without a doubt, the incessant search for oil and gas in that
territory expresses the superior objective of re-colonizing the Orinoco
Oil Belt, in the format of "oil opening" that dominated Venezuela during
the last stage of the 20th century. Conquering and securing the world's
largest oil reserves as a source of full supply, in a context of
aggressive competition between oil companies and their geopolitical
interests, is an increasingly urgent need the U.S. oil company wants to
satisfy.

The crystallization of regime change is needed. Last month, sn important
group of experts from the think tank Council of Foreign Relations
elaborated a set of recommendations to the U.S. government within the
framework of this purpose.

In short, the viable options for a change of government in Venezuela
proposed by the CFR (which has shaped U.S. foreign policy since the
beginning of the 20th century) are to increase sanctions against key
Chavista leaders, to push diplomatically from the OAS using neighboring
countries such as Colombia and Brazil, and to demand that China and
Russia withdraw their support of the Venezuelan government to intensify
isolation.

The Trump Administration has fulfilled the vast majority of the CFR
proposals as political routes to support the coup d'état agenda in
Venezuela. The sanctions against the Venezuelan Vice President Tareck El
Aissami, the State Department's pressures from the OAS and the latest
sanctions against the Supreme Court are a sign of this commitment, or at
least that the CFR does indeed influence certain decisions of the White
House. The CFR is also funded by ExxonMobil.

Threat of sanctions against PDVSA

On Sunday, June 4, Reuters leaked comments from alleged White House
officials regarding sanctions being assessed against the national oil
sector.

According to Reuters, collaborators of President Donald Trump have been
asked to present recommendations to sanction the Venezuelan oil sector
"if necessary."

Given that 95 percent of Venezuela's foreign exchange earnings come from
PDVSA, vital resources for the payment of foreign debt and imports of
food and medicines, a possible oil embargo or, in its absence, sanctions
that prevent oil exports to the U.S. and investment of foreign companies
(threatened with suspension of licenses to operate in U.S. territory),
would be a strong blow to the economic recovery plan of the Venezuelan
government and the population at large by paralyzing an important income
source.

A measure that could be politically costly to the U.S. (striving to
convince the public that all efforts are for the well-being of the
Venezuelan population) and a reversal of its effects in practice in the
medium term, considering most likely oil sales to China or India would
increase significantly, at the moment 60 percent of PDVSA's export
destinations.

It is not by chance that these threats are leaked when the Venezuelan
opposition's capacity for mobilization is showing signs of burning out,
street violence hasn't been capitalized into political victories inside
the country or before the international community. If this cycle of
political recession increases, ExxonMobil would be pressured to take
action on its own. After all, they are the owners of the circus and have
invested resources that they do not intend to waste.

Closing (in progress)

According to a report by The Daily Beast in early April, top executives
of ExxonMobil and Shell met in Washington in the hope that Nicolas
Maduro would step down to start privatization projects of the world's
largest oil reserves. It is possible that Reuter's leak has relation to
these meetings and the decisions that would have been taken there.

The coup d'etat against Venezuela was not decided by the Venezuelan
opposition but by the largest oil company on the planet; the framework
of action of someone like Freddy Guevara or Julio Borges is limited to
their condition of subordinates. If intervention by delegation fails,
direct intervention (on an economic and financial scale) using positions
of power and spheres of influence in the U.S. government, are even less
visible.

The oil company, which truly executes the bulk of the maneuvers, has the
U.S. secretary of state, a portfolio of right-wing representatives and
senators — including Donald Trump — with influence in Congress and
lobbying firms to impose its political and economic interests as a U.S.
foreign policy against Venezuela.

In Venezuela, not only political power is disputed, but the organization
of a new political, financial and energy geography on a continental and
planetary scale, within highly belligerant political environment. The
fall of Venezuela, for ExxonMobil, is fundamental for that disputed
center of geopolitical gravity to distance itself from Russia and China,
taking control in a region with the greatest natural and energetic
resources of the planet.

Determining who the adversary is is key to understanding what we are
currently facing.

This article was orignally published in Mision Verdad. William Serafino
is a Venezuelan journalist."

http://www.telesurtv.net/english/opinion/Route-of-Coup-Against-Venezuela-Begins-at-ExxonMobil--20170607-0040.html
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